The following is the authorized translation of the Declaration by
 (The International Strategic Studies Association)
ISSA adviser and consultant Jean-Pierre Mugabe

  Declaration on the Shooting Down of the Aircraft  Carrying Rwandan
President Juvénal Habyalimina and Burundi President Cyprien
Ntaryamira on April    6, 1994

  April 21, 2000

ADRESSED TO:

All Rwandans, UN, OAU, International Tribunal,
Countries: Tanzania, Ouganda, Burundi, Belgium, France, Holland,
Germany, United     Kingdom, United States of America, Canada.
Human Rights Organizations.

The Press and Media.

WITNESS:

MUGABE JEAN-PIERRE

Former Director of the Rwandese newspaper, Le Tribun du Peuple.
Former Intelligence Officer of the Department G2 of National
Gendarmerie     (Rwandan Patriotic Army).
Graduate Expert  Detective (Belgium).
Currently Consultant and Research Fellow at  International Strategic Studies
Association (ISSA), Washington DC, USA.

THE PERPETRATORS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL AIRCRAFT CRASH.

Major-General Paul KAGAME

Maj.-Gen. Paul Kagame is the son of Rutagambwa and Siteriya and comes
from Gitisi and Nyamagana near Ruhango (GITARAMA). He studied primary
school in Uganda and finished four years of Secondary school at Ntare
school in Mbarara (Uganda). He became a Major in the Ugandan National
Resistance Army with the function of Deputy Chief of the Ugandan
Directorate of Military Intelligence.

He subsequently became Vice-President of Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) and Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). He
became Vice-President of the Republic of Rwanda and its Minister of
Defense.

He is now nominated to be President of the Republic of Rwanda, and
was scheduled to be confirmed in that office on April 22, 2000.

Colonel James KABAREBE.

Colonel James Kabarebe was the private Secretary and aide-de-camp
(ADC) of Major-General Paul Kagame [see above]. He became Commander
of the High Command Unit at Mulindi. Later, this Unit became the
Republican Guard under his leadership.

James Kabarebe was the Commander-in-Chief of the Congolese Army
Forces (FAC) after Mzee Laurent Desiré Kabila took power in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997. Soon after, James took
the control of forces determined to overthrow Mzee Kabila. He is now
the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles KAYONGA

Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga was chief in charge of the Operations Unit
of High Commmand Unit at Mulindi ó at that time with the rank of
lieutenant ó from December 1993 until July 1, 1994. From lieutenant,
he was promoted directly to the rank of lieutentant-colonel and given
the command of the RPA battalion sent to Kigali to what is now the
National Assembly (then the NDC: National Development Council) after
the signing of the Arusha Accords. Kayonga had under his command more
than 3,200 RPA troops, wearing civilian clothes, who clandestinely
entered into the city of Kigali.

PREPARING FOR CONFLICT WHILE NEGOTIATING PEACE

Both the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and the Habyalimana Government
were preparing for war while engaged in the Arusha Peace Process.

Preparations on the side of Habyalimana's Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR):

The Rwandan Government was heavily involved during 1993 in buying
military equipment: arms and ammunition. This is shown by the funds
of 2.5-billion Rwandese francs, paid to Dominique Lemaunier, a French
businessman, who was supposed to deliver the equipment. It was Marc
RUGENERA, by then Finance Minister, who signed the contract for the
purchases on the Government side. The deal was followed up by Lt.-
Col. Kayumba Cyprien of the FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces).

In March 1994, arms purchased in Egypt and sent to Kigali by a
British aircraft were distributed to the Interahamwe militia of Pres.
Habyalimana's political party, the MRND. These Interahamwe militia
units were being trained militarily and receiving arms and ammunition
specifically to undertake a genocidal assault against the nation's
Tutsi population. They also planned a massacre of some political
opposition leaders, including those who happened to be moderate Hutu.
At the same time the Interahamwe were recruiting, with their numbers
growing to 50,000. Army [FAR] Reservists, too, were given
instructions to train the Interahamwe. All prefectures of Rwanda
received funds from the Government, to distribute to the Interahamwe.

President Habyalimana in 1993, meanwhile, deliberately delayed the
implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords, in order to allow more
time for his Army units and militias to prepare for the coming mass
destruction.

Radio Television of Mille Collines (RTLM) was strengthed in human and
financial terms from the Akazu [clan, support base] of Habyalimana,
specifically to propagate ethnic hatred against the Tutsi and to
mobilize all Hutu extremists favoring the genocide against the Tutsi
population.

PREPARATIONS IN THE RWANDAN PATRIOTIC FRONT.

During and after the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, the Rwandan
Patriotic Front was preparing for the final battle. After the
signature by both sides involved in the conflict, [then] Major [now
Major-General] Paul Kagame started visiting all Unit Commands under
the areas controlled by RPF. He met with us (Rwandan Patriotic Army
soldiers) and assured us that we should not believe at all in Arusha
Peace Accords.

"Be ready with your military equipment, we are going to fight for the
final war against the Kigali Government," Major Paul Kagame told the
RPF troops.

Thereafter, the military forces in different units received intensive
training in Karama, a political-military center in Byumba prefecture.
In addition, the nominally-civilian cadres of RPF also received some
military and political training in Karama to support the RPA. When
the RPF had sent its RPA battalion of 600 troops to Kigali under
command of Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga, other military units in civilian
clothes also infiltrated the town of Kigali. Every time that RPF
trucks came to our headquater in Mulindi to load military supplies
and firewood to be sent to the battalion in Kigali (at the CND, where
the RPA battalion was based), arms and ammunition were also loaded,
concealed among the supplies which were legitimately supposed to
reach Kigali.

Heavy arms, including light artillery (such as mortars), were
disassembled, before being loaded and later re-assembled upon arrival
at the CND building.

The RPA officer in charge of that secret operation at Mulindi was
Sub.-Lt. Moses of the High Command unit and Captain Charles Karamba
of the DMI was based in CND building, orchestrating events from that
end.

Captain Charles was the liaison officer between Mulindi and Kigali
for that operation.

He was later appointed military attaché in Eritrea, where he has the
particular mission of buying arms and military equipments for the
RPF. A day before the genocide started, there were 4,000 RPA troops
in Kigali. The RPF's high-ranking officers in Kigali under MINUAR
[United Nations International Monitoring Unit in Rwanda] were there
to survey the preparations of the then-Government Army.

RPF officials tried at their best to convince other opposition
political parties to address the Rwandan crises by eliminating
President Habyalimana. Pres. Habyalimana has been reported as the key
person who brought disaster to the country and the person who delayed
the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord. There were, however,
other factors. The main political parties, the MDR and PSD, were
reluctant to support the RPF proposal in the belief that the RPF
itself would not respect the Arusha Peace Accord.

Gatabazi Felicien, the incumbent Secretary-General of PSD (Partie
Socialiste Democrat), was killed by RPF gunmen while entering his
compound in Kigali in February 1994, because he had opposed the RPF
plan. The killers used a known and standard RPF method called
"standing up".

The RPF held a meeting between February and March 1994 at Mulindi
with RPF-member businessmen, the sponsors of RPF's guerilla
operations. Major-General Paul Kagame, closing that meeting , spoke
about the Arusha Peace Accord, accusing Habyalimana of delaying its
imprimantation. A businessman named Kalinda Sweet Bread (who
subsequently fled Rwanda in 1998 after the RPA killed his child),
speaking on behalf of other RPF members, declared that the Arusha
Peace Accord delayed the RPF program and that this would cost a lot
of money which they would not be capable of providing in the coming
days. Major-General Kagame asked for solutions. Kalinda responded
that the real solution was to re-attack the Rwandan Government. That
proposal was well-received by other businessmen and Kagame did not
oppose it.

THE COLLAPSE OF THE ARUSHA PEACE ACCORD WAS THE OPPORTUNITY
FOR THE
RPF TO SEIZE POWER

It was clear that if the Arusha Peace Accord was to be implemented
then both the Habyalimina Administration and the RPF would face
possibly insurmountable difficulties. The extent of the corruption by
the incumbent Hutu Government of Pres. Habyalimana meant that, if the
Accords were to be implemented, senior officials, including the
President, would be open to charges of corruption and abuse of power,
including the many political murders which they had undertaken. Maj.-
Gen. Kagame, for his part, recognized that, because the Arusha
Accords called for one-man, one-vote, the Tutsi minority ó which the
RPF in large part represented ó could not win outright power at any
stage. [It was well-known that elections would not favor the RPF
because Hutu power cores of the MRND, MDR, CDR, PSD and PL parties
were composed mostly of Hutu.] As a result, both leaders, for
different reasons, knew that implementation of the Arusha Accords was
not acceptable, despite public posturing to the contrary.

Generals Habyalimana and Kagame were known, therefore, to believe
that the power sharing was weakening both sides. The Arusha Accords
were becoming increasingly meaningless to both of them, but they were
required, for domestic as well as international reasons, to continue
paying lip-service to the process.

Maj.-Gen. Kagame at this stage was clearly committed, therefore, to
continuing the guerilla war against the Habyalimana, up to and
including the assassination of the President. It has become clear
that, in this process, Maj.-Gen. Kagame was aware of the fact that
killing Pres. Habyalimana would initiate mass destruction and
genocide. RPF officers, such as myself, were told in 1993 by the RPF
leadership that intelligence reports indicated that Pres.
Habyalimana's Hutu followers would begin a campaign to kill all
Tutsis in the event that Kagame attempted to sieze power. This
intelligence was leaked to the exiled King of Rwanda, King Kigeli V,
by his supporters within the RPF, and the King subsequently used the
information to issue written warnings to the United States Government
and the United Nations that a campaign of genocide was expected.
These warnings are now a matter of public record.

It is understood that Pres. Habyalimana confirmed these warnings in
separate messages to the King.

As an intelligence officer, I knew that Maj.-Gen. Kagame was well-
informed of the fact that Pres. Habyalimana's Presidential Guard and
Interahamwe militia were trained and armed to eliminate Tutsi groups
in case Paul Kagame attempted to take power. He knew very well that
almost all Tutsi were registered on the list of those who had to be
exterminated. Militia Interahamwe units were deployed throughout the
country, waiting to kill all Tutsi inside Rwanda.

The RPF's clandestine broadcasting unit, Radio Muhabura, consistently
and openly broadcast at the time details of the Interahamwe's plans
for attacks on Tutsis.

The following examples demonstrate that extent of that situation:

Gatabazi Felicien, noted above, was assassinated by the RPF because
he had refused to endorse the plan to kill Habyalimana. The RPF had
been afraid that he might reveal the plans to Habyalimana who was a
close associate in an arms business which weapons supplied to
Palipehutu, a criminal-extremist Hutu group in Burundi, and through
Mr Minani, who was at that time a Burundian Minister. The transit
store of those arms was a company called Mimosa, a travel company
located behind St. Andrews College at Nyamirambo, a suburb of Kigali.
Mimosa belonged to Mbarushimana Antoine, a close friend to Gatabazi.
Mbarushimana was subsequently killed by RPA at Nyanza (a sub-
prefecture of Butare) after the genocide, in order to silence a
witness of Gatabazi's death.

In response to the killing of Gatabazi, the PSD militants of Butare
prefecture, ignoring the psychological operations of the RPF, killed
Bucyana Martin, President of CDR (Coalition pour la defense de la
Republique) in revenge, believing that their leader was killed by CDR
or Habyalimana. The Interahamwe and CDR militia in turn reacted
angrily and killed many Tutsi in revenge for the killing of Bucyana.
This rapid and violent sequence of events made it clear to Kagame
what would happen if he attempted to kill Habyalimana.

Another corroborating example was the death in 1993 of Katumba, one
of the Interahamwe leaders, who was shot dead, presumably by the RPF,
because the Interahamwe and CDR had killed so many Tutsi of Kigali.
This wave of killings should have served as an alarm which could not
have gone unnoticed.

Still, the plan of Kagame was to take power in Rwanda regardless of
the lives of Tutsi and Hutu moderate which would be lost when the
anticipated genocide began. Kagame's choice in 1994 of Pasteur
Bizimungu, a Hutu, to be the figurehead President behind whom Kagame
could operate secretly, was beneficial to him in helping to bring his
plans to fruition without causing international alarm. This process
ended for Kagame when Pres. Bizimungu resigned in March 2000, tired
of being a show president while the real power was with the nominal
Vice-President and Defense Minister, Paul Kagame.

MILITARY PERSONNEL OF RPA WERE TRAINED TO OPERATE
SURFACE-TO-AIR
MISSILES TO SHOOT DOWN THE PRESIDENTIAL AIRCRAFT

Following the signing of the Arusha Accord by the Habyalimina
Government and the RPF in January 1994, a battalion of the RPA was
sent to the Parliament, the CND, in Kigali. At the same time, other
RPA units secretly infiltrated Kigali in civilian clothes.
Concurrently, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent to Uganda four of his military
personnel to be trained in the operation of the Russian-built SA-7
Strela man-portable surface-to-air missile (SAM). This type of
missile was already in service with the Ugandan Army.

Given that there was no air threat to the RPA at the time ó because
the RPA units were in the center of the common capital city, Kigali,
and because the Rwandan Armed Forces of Habyalimana had only a few
armed helicopters ó it is clear that the purpose of the training was
specifically to shoot down the presidential aircraft of Pres.
Habyalimana at the earliest possible opportunity. After training in
Uganda, all four RPA troops were returned to Mulindi, the General
Headquarters (or High Command) of the RPA in Byumba Prefecture, where
they were transferred to the Missile Unity [the term "Unity" normally
applies to a three-battalion formation, but not in this case], which
was in reality a small missile section commanded by Lieutenant
Kayumba Joseph. Kayumba was later known to be living at Kanombe
Barracks, in Kigali, and was later been promoted to the rank of
Captain.

I was a witness of these events, living at Mulindi, and where Kayumba
Joseph and his colleagues were friends of mine.

At the end of February 1994, considering the refusal of Habyalimana
to implement the Arusha peace accord, Lt.-Col. Kayonga, then
commander of the RPF's Battalion based in the CND, sent a message to
Lieutenant Kayumba ordering him to send the four missile-trained
military troops to the CND. After receiving that message, Lieutenant
Kayumba had immediately sent them to CND without informing Lt.-Col.
Kabarebe James, his Commanding Officer. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe imprisoned
Lt. Kayumba because of that failure to inform him of the transfer of
the four troops.

In March 1994, the RPA's High Command led by Kagame called on the RPF
officials based in Kigali to return to Mulindi. Most of them left
Kigali for Mulindi. Two weeks before the crash of the Presidential
aircraft, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe to bring the
SA-7 surface-to-air missiles to the CND detachment, and to give final
instructions related to the new attack against the Rwandese Army
forces [FAR] and brief the four soldiers designated to shoot down the
aircraft of Habyalimana. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe spent more than one week
in CND before returning to Mulindi.

Two RPF leaders, Colonels Kanyarengwe Alexis and Lizinde Theoneste,
who had earlier served in the Habyalimana Government, gave
information and instructions as to where the missiles should be
placed. [Col. Lizinde Theoneste, who later defected, was subsequently
assassinated in 1998 by RPF operatives in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to
ensure the secrecy of the missile operation.]

The missile locations were at Masaka sector of the Kanombe commune,
on the outskirts of Kigali, where aircraft make their final approach
before landing.

Two weeks before the Habyalimana's aircraft crash, 12 artillery
systems were brought from Uganda, and arrived at our headquaters in
Mulindi. In the meantime, our High Command was busy organizing
meetings and preparing for the final battle to take control of
Kigali. Those who attended the meetings were: Colonels Ndungute, Sam
Kaka, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Twahirwa Dodo, Gashumba, Muhire, Mugambage
Frank, Ngoga, Bagire, Biseruka, Musitu, and Karemera. Among the
lieutenant-colonels were James Kabarebe, Ibingira, Rwahama,
Nyamurangwa, Karangwa, Kadhafi, Karera, Gahutu, and others.

THE AIRCRAFT CRASH AND HOW KAGAME'S PLANS BECAME THE
CATALYST OF GENOCIDE

Once the preparations to eliminate Pres. Habyalimana were completed,
it was necessary to find a reason to force Pres. Habyalimana to
travel by aircraft over the area where the missiles were deployed.
Given that the missiles were deployed along the approach path to
Kanombe Airport at Kigali, it was then only necessary to know the
time of the return to Kigali by Pres. Habyalimana's aircraft.

As part of the planning, the leaders of the RPF had been lobbying in
friendly countries so that these countries would convince Pres.
Mwinyi of Tanzania to organize a regional summit about Burundi's
problems, and about the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords.
The RPF insisted that military chiefs also be invited.

The summit was a trap for Habyalimana, giving Kagame a way to take
power.

But as part of their prepared attack, Hutu extremists also took that
opportunity to exterminate the Tutsi who had been listed days before.
Kagame was aware that this would occur, as a response triggered by
the death of Habyalimana. The RPF proposed that Rwandan and Burundian
military chiefs be invited to the Arusha meeting. The aim of Kagame
was that Major-General Nsabimana, the Army Chief of Staff, be killed
with Habyalimana so that the leadership of FAR would be destroyed and
non-existent. The FAR was already undermined by internal North-South
regional dissent. Before the regional meeting was held and chaired by
Tanzanian President Hassan Mwinyi, RPF president Alexis Kanyarengwe
went to Tanzania and came back to Byumba. On his return, he met us at
Rubaya in Byumba where we were in a meeting. He said: "Instead of
continuing pushing from outside, it is better to go in and kill the
enemy." That is what happened on April 6, 1994.

Before going to Dar-es-Salam Summit, Habyalimana went to see Zaïre
[now Democratic Republic of Congo] President Mobutu Sese Seko to seek
his participation so that he could support him against leaders of
states favorable to RPF. He also asked Pres. Mobutu to provide him
(Habyalimana) with intelligence support to check information on the
RPF, and about the assassination attempt which the RPF was expected
to commit against him. The information was provided by Ngbanda
Honore, former security adviser to Pres. Mobutu. He participated to
the meeting of the two heads-of-state. Ngbanda was the one who was
going to help Habyalimana in analyzing and cross-checking the
information related to death threats against Habyalimana. One day
before the summit took place, Pres. Mobutu's advisers asked Pres.
Mobutu not to go at the summit for security reasons.

RPF soldiers in the CND battalion, and those who had infiltrated in
Kigali town before April 6, 1994, had finished war preparation. Other
units were ready to attack. Colonel Lizinde Theoneste, RPF Member of
Parliament, was an intelligence specialist. He was among RPF
officials at the time staying in the CND building and collaborating
in the RPF intelligence search about Habyalimana's army operations.
Col. Lizinde, as noted above, is the one who recommended Masaka as
the perfect site from where to shoot the presidential aircraft.

Col. Lizinde had a public notoriety, was very well known in many
ways,and was a friend of mine. After the genocide, he told me many
times that he was afraid to be killed one day because of the
information he had about the aircraft crash. He told me that if he
was killed it would be because of the secret he had about
Habyalimana's assassination by Paul Kagame. Lizinde was also a
private adviser of Kagame. I knew well about their friendship. Kagame
promoted him to the rank of colonel and nominated him as an RPF
member of Parliament.

In the end, Lizinde went into exile. Those who followed up his
departure in exile, know that two officers have been asked to give
explanations. These officers are Lt.-Col. Rwahama of the Directorate
of Military Intelligence (DMI), who had instruction to watch Lizinde
and prevent his escape. The other officer is Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe,
a Republican Guard commander. The two have been sanctioned for their
lack of vigilance, which helped Lizinde to escape. That is one of the
reasons Rwahama has been put aside.

After the departure of Lizinde, the intelligence service sent to me
intelligence officers who were, in fact, friends of mine, to check if
I knew his escape plan. It is Lizinde who told me that the four
soldiers involved in the missiles had left Mulindi for Kigali (CND:
Parliament House) in the perspective of presidential aircraft
attempt. The four soldiers had been received in CND by Major Rose
Kabuye who was in charge of that. Lizinde told me that it was Col.
Kabarebe who gave the latest instuctions to shoot Habyalimana's
Falcon executive aircraft.

Before April 6, 1994, some RPF high-ranking officers withdrew their
families from Kigali. Two weeks before that date, the Colonel James
Kabarebe was the one who has been designated by Paul Kagame to convoy
the missiles; James Kabarebe was also charged to communicate to those
in CND the last instructions in regard to the war. He spent almost
one week in CND before he came back to Mulindi.

Because Lizinde was aware of the plot to shoot down the presidential
Falcon, on the morning of April 6, 1994, he asked some of his friends
to leave Kigali before that night. He told them that it was not for
the purpose of peace that James Kabarebe came to Kigali in CND.
Colonel Lizinde personally went to bring his own family from Kigali
but he did not find them and came immediately back to Mulindi.

The shooting down of the aircraft took place around 20.25 hrs local
time. In the aircraft, were President Habyalimana, President
Ntaryamira of Burundi, Major-General

Nsabimana, Chief of Rwandan Armed Forces [FAR], Ambassador Renzaho (a
senior advisor to Habyalimina), Doctor Akingeneye (the president's
personal doctor), and others. At the time of the shooting, I was
watching the World Cup football with some of the RPF high-ranking
officers, including Major-General Paul Kagame, Colonels Ndugute,
Biseruka, and Twahirwa. Immediately after the aircraft crash, Colonel
James Kabarebe came into the room where we were watching the
football, and took Paul Kagame outside to discuss the matter in
private. Soon after, Colonel James Kabarebe called upon Colonel
Ndugute and other high-ranking officers for a meeting outside.

The High Command Unit immediately took the decision to attack Kigali
that night. This Unit operated under the direct command of Paul
Kagame and James Kabarebe. All other RPF Units prepared themselves
and launched their attack.

CONCLUSION

The decision of Paul Kagame to shoot Pres. Habyalimana's aircraft was
the catalyst of an unprecedent drama in the Rwandan history, and
Major-General Paul Kagame took that decision with all awareness.

Kagame's ambition caused the extermination of all of our families:
Tutsis, Hutus and Twas. We all lost. Kagame's take-over took away the
lives of a large number of Tutsis and caused the unnecessary exodus
of millions of Hutus, many of whom were innocent under the hands of
the genocide ringleaders.

Some naïve Rwandans proclaimed Kagame as their savior, but time has
demonstrated that it was he who caused our suffering and misfortunes.
He has already put under protection some families who had given large
amount of money in terms of war contribution, while our ordinary
families were left to assaillants of the Interahamwe.

Can Kagame explain to Rwandan people why he sent Claude Dusaidi and
Charles Muligande to New York and Washington to stop the UN military
intervention which was supposed to be sent and protect the Rwandan
people from the genocide? The
reason behind avoiding that military intervention was to allow the RPF
leadership the takeover of the Kigali Government and to show the world that
they ó the RPF ó were the ones who stopped the genocide. We will all remember
that the genocide occurred during three months, even though Kagame has said
that he was capable of stopping it the first week after the aircraft crash.

Can Major-General Paul Kagame explain why he asked to MINUAR to leave
Rwandan
soil within hours while the UN was examining the possibility of increasing its
troops in Rwanda in order to stop the genocide?

I decided to reveal the truth and only the all truth so that everyone knows
what happened. These were the hidden truths and that is why Kagame sent
assassins with diplomatic passports to the United States of America to look for
me, because he knows that I know who did what.

You may see that some people I mentioned are no longer alive because they were
killed by the Kagame's death squads. Now, the world should start to ask
questions, how and why such and such person was eliminated outside and inside
Rwanda in suspicious way. I ask the International Tribunal to prosecute
Major-General Kagame and his clique. As a witness who saw and heard what I have
written now, I am ready to prove that Major-General Paul Kagame is guilty of
the aircraft crash crime. I will give other proof which I hold later, in order
to not undermine the inquiry.

AN IMPORTANT NOTE

I ask all Rwandans to isolate Paul Kagame. I ask the International Justice
community to accomplish its responsibility in that matter. Furthermore, Kagame
must be prosecuted for the assassination of Kabera Assiel, the former
presidential advisor; Seth Sendashonga, the former Interior minister; Theoneste
Lizinde, a former high-ranking official; Felicien Gatabazi, a former political
leader; other former high-profile figures in the leadership of the
RPF, and others.

The International Community did not know that Kagame does not have
the capability to unite the Rwandan people. The world community
welcomed him and gave him support. It must know now, once and for
all, that such a criminal, whoever is, will never be able to unite
the Rwandan people.

Jean-Pierre Mugabe: Given by my hand, in Washington DC, this 21st Day
of April, 2000.

The International Strategic Studies Association
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